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In The Cost-Benefit Revolution, Cass Sunstein argues our major disagreements really involve facts, not values. We show this pattern of results with respect to people’s support for or opposition to governmental policies in a wide range of substantive areas — and also to the use of paternalistic tools, such as nudges or bans.Behavioral economics emerged in the 1980s, above all because of the creative work of Richard Thaler, exploring the relevance of the endowment effect, mental accounting, concern for fairness, and other "anomalies" from the standpoint of standard economic theory. While the majority of these measures are proving effective, they have a high social and economic cost, and response strategies are being adjusted. By one measure, algorithms are fundamentally opaque, not just cognitively but even mathematically. Paul and Lippmann emerge as very different heroes of the period.Social norms have been used to nudge people toward specified outcomes in various domains. People: Cass Sunstein As protests against systemic racism erupt in the United States, Harvard Law professors weigh in . Law and Leviathan elaborates a number of principles that underlie this moral regime. Once norms are weakened or revised, through private efforts or law, it becomes possible to discover preexisting preferences. (2) engaged in “breakeven analysis”; In various nations, they use four different approaches: they refuse to do so on the ground that quantification is not feasible; they engage in breakeven analysis; they project end-states, such as economic savings or health outcomes; and they estimate willingness-to-pay for the relevant information. Some important characteristics of options are difficult or impossible to assess in separate evaluation, and hence choosers disregard or downplay them; those characteristics are much easier to assess in joint evaluation, where they might be decisive. It also emerges that Facebook, Twitter, and other social media platforms should do far more than they are now doing to control falsehoods, deepfakes, and doctored videos.Joseph Marks, Eloise Copland, Eleanor Loh, Cass R. Sunstein & Tali Sharot, On political questions, many people are especially likely to consult and learn from those whose political views are similar to their own, thus creating a risk of echo chambers or information cocoons. (Part of that loss is captured in one reaction to mandatory calorie labels: “They ruined popcorn!”) In principle, approach (4) is usually best, but people may lack the information that would permit them to say how much they would pay for (more) information, and sometimes tastes and values shift over time, which means that willingness to pay may fail to capture welfare effects.
The intensity of outrage is often a product of what is most salient. We surveyed 508 participants using a hypothetical medical scenario in which participants were counselled on the risks and benefits of taking antibiotics for a sore throat in circumstances in which antibiotics were inappropriate. With respect to (4), people may lack the information that would permit them to make good decisions about how much to pay for (more) information; they may not know the welfare effects of information. Sexual harassment was once something that women had to endure; now a movement has risen up against it. In these situations, sometimes involving transformative experiences, the criterion does not offer a unique solution. The present study is one of the first to use a large-scale data set to investigate this question. Less high approval rates of nudges in Denmark and Hungary were reflected in higher controversy about “System 1” nudges, whereas the United Kingdom and Italy were marked by higher controversy about “System 2” nudges, despite high approval rates. Il existe des preuves considérables à cet effet, du moins dans la mesure où ils sont moins susceptibles de s'appuyer sur des intuitions qui peuvent conduire à de graves erreurs.
In deciding whether to establish climate-friendly defaults, choice architects (subject to legal constraints) should consider both consumer welfare and a wide range of other costs and benefits. These questions have become especially pressing with the increasing power of social media, the frequent contestation of established facts, and the current focus on “fake news,” disseminated by both foreign and domestic agents in an effort to drive U.S. politics in particular directions. It is possible that welfarist criteria will resolve the indeterminacy, despite serious questions about incommensurability. Executive Power in the Roberts Court Fall 2019 Seminar; Adrian Vermeule, Cass Sunstein: W 1:00pm - 3:00pm: Rhetoric in Law and Politics Spring 2020 Seminar; Adrian Vermeule, Jacob Gersen: W 3:00pm - … The largest conclusion is that while citizens generally approve of health and safety nudges, the nations of the world appear to fall into three distinct categories: (1) a group of nations, mostly liberal democracies, where strong majorities approve of nudges whenever they (a) are seen to fit with the interests and values of most citizens and (b) do not have illicit purposes; (2) a group of nations where overwhelming majorities approve of nearly all nudges; and (3) a group of nations that usually show majority approval, but markedly reduced approval rates.
In The Cost-Benefit Revolution, Cass Sunstein argues our major disagreements really involve facts, not values. We show this pattern of results with respect to people’s support for or opposition to governmental policies in a wide range of substantive areas — and also to the use of paternalistic tools, such as nudges or bans.Behavioral economics emerged in the 1980s, above all because of the creative work of Richard Thaler, exploring the relevance of the endowment effect, mental accounting, concern for fairness, and other "anomalies" from the standpoint of standard economic theory. While the majority of these measures are proving effective, they have a high social and economic cost, and response strategies are being adjusted. By one measure, algorithms are fundamentally opaque, not just cognitively but even mathematically. Paul and Lippmann emerge as very different heroes of the period.Social norms have been used to nudge people toward specified outcomes in various domains. People: Cass Sunstein As protests against systemic racism erupt in the United States, Harvard Law professors weigh in . Law and Leviathan elaborates a number of principles that underlie this moral regime. Once norms are weakened or revised, through private efforts or law, it becomes possible to discover preexisting preferences. (2) engaged in “breakeven analysis”; In various nations, they use four different approaches: they refuse to do so on the ground that quantification is not feasible; they engage in breakeven analysis; they project end-states, such as economic savings or health outcomes; and they estimate willingness-to-pay for the relevant information. Some important characteristics of options are difficult or impossible to assess in separate evaluation, and hence choosers disregard or downplay them; those characteristics are much easier to assess in joint evaluation, where they might be decisive. It also emerges that Facebook, Twitter, and other social media platforms should do far more than they are now doing to control falsehoods, deepfakes, and doctored videos.Joseph Marks, Eloise Copland, Eleanor Loh, Cass R. Sunstein & Tali Sharot, On political questions, many people are especially likely to consult and learn from those whose political views are similar to their own, thus creating a risk of echo chambers or information cocoons. (Part of that loss is captured in one reaction to mandatory calorie labels: “They ruined popcorn!”) In principle, approach (4) is usually best, but people may lack the information that would permit them to say how much they would pay for (more) information, and sometimes tastes and values shift over time, which means that willingness to pay may fail to capture welfare effects.
The intensity of outrage is often a product of what is most salient. We surveyed 508 participants using a hypothetical medical scenario in which participants were counselled on the risks and benefits of taking antibiotics for a sore throat in circumstances in which antibiotics were inappropriate. With respect to (4), people may lack the information that would permit them to make good decisions about how much to pay for (more) information; they may not know the welfare effects of information. Sexual harassment was once something that women had to endure; now a movement has risen up against it. In these situations, sometimes involving transformative experiences, the criterion does not offer a unique solution. The present study is one of the first to use a large-scale data set to investigate this question. Less high approval rates of nudges in Denmark and Hungary were reflected in higher controversy about “System 1” nudges, whereas the United Kingdom and Italy were marked by higher controversy about “System 2” nudges, despite high approval rates. Il existe des preuves considérables à cet effet, du moins dans la mesure où ils sont moins susceptibles de s'appuyer sur des intuitions qui peuvent conduire à de graves erreurs.
In deciding whether to establish climate-friendly defaults, choice architects (subject to legal constraints) should consider both consumer welfare and a wide range of other costs and benefits. These questions have become especially pressing with the increasing power of social media, the frequent contestation of established facts, and the current focus on “fake news,” disseminated by both foreign and domestic agents in an effort to drive U.S. politics in particular directions. It is possible that welfarist criteria will resolve the indeterminacy, despite serious questions about incommensurability. Executive Power in the Roberts Court Fall 2019 Seminar; Adrian Vermeule, Cass Sunstein: W 1:00pm - 3:00pm: Rhetoric in Law and Politics Spring 2020 Seminar; Adrian Vermeule, Jacob Gersen: W 3:00pm - … The largest conclusion is that while citizens generally approve of health and safety nudges, the nations of the world appear to fall into three distinct categories: (1) a group of nations, mostly liberal democracies, where strong majorities approve of nudges whenever they (a) are seen to fit with the interests and values of most citizens and (b) do not have illicit purposes; (2) a group of nations where overwhelming majorities approve of nearly all nudges; and (3) a group of nations that usually show majority approval, but markedly reduced approval rates.